1. War. We recognize the war initiated by Vladimir Putin as a crime—against both Ukraine and Russia. The primary goal of “Vesna” is to achieve the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of the sovereign state of Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders, with minimal losses among both the military and civilians. Bringing the soldiers home means establishing peace, stopping the senseless deaths of our fellow citizens, and preventing further destruction of the country’s economy.
We also firmly believe that the full resolution of this war and the prevention of future wars are only possible if a stable liberal democracy is established in Russia. This is in the interest of Russian citizens as well as all of Europe.
2. Guilt. We place responsibility for initiating the war on Vladimir Putin and all those involved in establishing a dictatorial regime in Russia, dismantling civil society institutions, and carrying out repressions. In our view, unchecked power concentrated in the hands of one person is the direct cause of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
We reject the idea of sharing guilt with war criminals or extending it to all Russian citizens. At the same time, we acknowledge our responsibility for our country and its future. This responsibility requires us to oppose the war, acting in alignment with the values of freedom and human rights, and in the best interests of our fellow citizens.
3. Restoration of Justice. We believe that war criminals—including Vladimir Putin, as well as military personnel and mercenaries who committed crimes in Ukraine—must face trial. At the same time, they must be guaranteed the right to a fair trial and punishments proportionate to their crimes.
We reject the use of violence, terror, or political assassinations as methods of restoring justice.
4. Responsibility to Fellow Citizens. We acknowledge the social responsibility placed on Russian opinion leaders to act in the interests of the country and its citizens. In our view, actions should only be undertaken in ways that do not endanger lives or expose people to excessive risks to their freedom. We call on others to adopt this responsible stance as well.
5. Mobilization and Conscription. We consider mobilization to be a crime against Russian citizens. The methods of forced conscription, direct deception, bribery, intimidation, and exploitation of people’s emotions and beliefs were used to carry it out.
We reject claims that Russian citizens are uniquely cruel or broadly supportive of the war. We believe that mobilized individuals need support—but exclusively to survive and return home as soon as possible. We also oppose conscription-based servitude and advocate for a professional army comprised solely of volunteers.
6. Protest and Violence. “Vesna” adheres to the ideals, principles, and methods of nonviolent protest, aimed at actively forming an anti-war and pro-democracy majority in Russia. We see no compelling evidence that abandoning these principles and methods would be effective in achieving our goals of ending the war and establishing democracy in Russia through societal consensus and reforms.
We reject violence in any form (terrorism, political assassinations) as a new norm, and we refuse to view war as a justification for abandoning universal principles of human rights and civil liberties. Violence undermines dialogue between anti-war initiatives and society, fosters fear and distrust, and escalates social tensions.
Violence distances us from our goals by creating public demand for a “strong hand,” encouraging elites to rally around the leader, and prompting authorities to engage in mass repressions. Our objective is measured, deliberate, and responsible actions for the benefit of the country and its citizens.
7. Arson and Sabotage. We do not condemn anti-war actions involving arson, sabotage, or other direct actions, provided no one is harmed. However, we do not organize or promote such actions.
We believe these activities should remain the domain of clandestine partisan groups. Publicizing such actions—which require serious preparation, technical safety knowledge, and full awareness of risks—leads to the involvement of untrained individuals. This drastically reduces the effectiveness of these actions, and participants often end up imprisoned on charges of terrorism. Thus, we consider public calls to participate in such activities irresponsible.
8. Ethnic Diversity. We recognize the challenges faced by ethnic minorities in Russia, including over-centralization, Russification, and a lack of respect for national diversity, traditions, and religions.
We condemn hate crimes, everyday racism, and other forms of xenophobia. All Russian citizens should enjoy equal rights, equally protected both by law and in practice.
9. Territorial Integrity. We support a transition to genuine federalism in Russia, with expanded local self-governance across all parts of our vast and diverse country.
While we do not accept foreign rhetoric about the necessity of dividing Russia, we recognize the right of Russian regions and their residents to secede—provided it is done through democratic mechanisms, in accordance with internationally recognized rules and procedures, and with consideration of every perspective.
10. Sanctions. We believe sanctions should target the regime, its architects, participants (deputies, officials), beneficiaries, and Vladimir Putin personally. The goal should be clear and unambiguous: to weaken the regime’s military machine, create divisions among the elites, and compel them to oppose Putin.
Sanctions should not affect vital sectors of the economy, goods, or technologies critical to Russian citizens, such as medicine and food. We also oppose tightening visa regimes with Russia.
11. Status of Russians Abroad. We do not accept discriminatory treatment of Russian citizens abroad. Russian citizens holding citizenship or residency in other countries should have the same rights—including respect for their person—as well as access to the same opportunities and services as citizens and residents of those countries.
